Suchergebnisse

Ovaj rad koristi interpretativni pristup političkoj kulturi kako bi razmotrio ‎pitanje utjelovljenosti demokratskih načela i praksi u institucijama, pogotovo ‎u onima koje ne spadaju izričito u područje političkog procesa te koje stoga‎ mogu lakše sakriti manjkavosti demokratskog sustava koje se ne mogu lako‎ mjeriti na osnovi formalnih mjera demokratizacije. Tom istraživačkom problem u‎rad pristupa analizom institucionalnog okvira nastave povijesti u Hrvatskoj‎u 1990-ima i 2000-tima te prikazom kontroverzne teme socijalističke ‎Jugoslavije u udžbenicima povijesti kao kritičnog slučaja. Analizom su obuhvaćena‎34 udžbenika povijesti 20. stoljeća koja su objavljena između 1991.‎i 2007. godine za korištenje u osnovnim školama, srednjim strukovnim školama‎i gimnazijama. Nalazi ove analize razmatraju se kao indikatori razvoja‎ demokratske političke kulture. Zaključci ukazuju, na temelju toga kritičnog‎ slučaja, da je Hrvatska, unatoč napretku u vezi s mjerama formalne demokratizacije‎2000-tih, ipak pala na testu institucionalno utjelovljenih demokratskih ‎pretpostavki i normi.‎

The goal of this study is to highlight the embodied nature of social class inequalities in education. Drawing from a larger study that examined educational outcomes and work careers of young people whose families received welfare benefits in Croatia when these individuals were of high school age, the article focuses on biographical narrative interviews with three young individuals. These strategically selected cases were characterized by a shared experience of living in poverty that was, nevertheless, marked by very different initial intersections of social advantages and disadvantages (middle-class fall into poverty, intergenerational poverty, and poverty intersecting with anti-Roma racism). Based on the comparison of these three life stories, this study utilizes Bourdieu's concept of habitus as a conceptual tool, incorporating both cognitive and affective schemas, to examine how these young individuals framed their lives and educational trajectories. In doing so, this study builds on the work by scholars such as Reay who extend the explorations of embodied social inequalities in education into the realm of emotions, which are—in line with the growing body of work in the sociology of emotions—understood as embedded in (unequal) social relations. Therefore, the analysis of this study focuses on how, in the three examined life stories, the horizons of probable, possible, and unimaginable were perceived very differently and shaped by distinct affective structures. The findings of this study suggest that cognitive and affective schemas function jointly, as integral elements of a social inequalities' mechanism rooted in the compounding of advantages or disadvantages.

Editorial introducing a new category of fast-track research notes and the first formulation of open science policy. ; Uvodnik koji predstavlja novu kategoriju prethodnih priopćenja u ubrzanom postupku i formulaciju prve politike otvorene znanosti.

Uvodnik koji predstavlja novu kategoriju prethodnih priopćenja u ubrzanom postupku i formulaciju prve politike otvorene znanosti. ; Editorial introducing a new category of fast-track research notes and the first formulation of open science policy.

The legal status and social acceptance of same-sex partners' families vary to an astonishing degree, even within the European Union (EU). These differences are sharply reflected in the lives of lesbian, gay and bisexual (LGB) migrants from Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) residing in countries such as Belgium or the Netherlands, where same-sex partners can marry, access adoption and assisted reproductive technologies (ART) services, and acquire legal co-parenting rights. For this group, every visit to a CEE country of origin with a constitutional definition of marriage as a union between a man and a woman, with limited or no access to adoption services, nor to ART or co-parenting rights, highlights the societal and institutional vulnerability of their families. Based on biographical narrative interviews (BNIM) with six LGB migrants from selected CEE countries of origin, raising children with a same-sex partner in Belgium or the Netherlands, this study analyses how differences in wider socio-institutional frameworks shape experiences of LGB parents relating to the formation, display, recognition and acceptance of their families. The findings highlight how the restrictive legal and institutional frameworks not only exclude LGB individuals from full citizenship, but also provide support for the individual-level discrimination of non-heterosexual families. In contrast, inclusive frameworks allow LGB individuals to realize life and family trajectories already accessible to others in society, while also discouraging the expression of individual prejudice. Therefore, the study concludes that the only way to ensure full equality and to protect LGB individuals and their children from stigmatization is to create a fully inclusive socio-institutional framework for non-heterosexual families in which individual prejudice is no longer supported. ; Čak i unutar Europske unije, zakonski status i društveno prihvaćanje obitelji istospolnih partnera znatno se razlikuju od zemlje do zemlje. Te razlike osobito postaju osviještene u životima LGB migranata iz središnje i istočne Europe (SIE) koji se u zemljama poput Belgije ili Nizozemske mogu vjenčati, dobiti pristup usvajanju i asistiranoj reprodukcijskoj tehnologiji (ART), kao i suroditeljska prava. Toj skupini svaki odlazak u SIE zemlju podrijetla u kojoj je brak ustavom definiran kao zajednica muškarca i žene, a pristup usvajanju, ART-u kao i legalnom suroditeljstvu ograničen ili nepostojeći, jasno ocrtava društvenu i institucionalnu ranjivost njihovih obitelji. Na temelju biografskih narativnih intervjua (BNIM) sa šest LGB migranata iz izabranih SIE zemalja koji odgajaju djecu s istospolnim partnerom/icom u Belgiji ili Nizozemskoj, ovaj rad analizira kako društvene i institucionalne razlike utječu na iskustva LGB roditeljstva vezana uz stvaranje, prikazivanje, prepoznavanje i prihvaćanje njihovih obitelji. Nalazi ove studije ističu kako restriktivni zakonski i institucionalni okviri ne samo da isključuju LGB pojedince iz punoga građanskog statusa, nego i podupiru diskriminaciju neheteroseksualnih obitelji na individualnoj razini. Protivno tomu, uključivi okviri omogućuju LGB pojedincima da ostvare živote i obitelji kakvi su već dostupni ostalim članovima društva te obeshrabruju izražavanje individualnih predrasuda. Stoga ova studija zaključuju kako je jedini način da se ostvari puna jednakost i da se LGB pojedinci i njihova djeca zaštite od stigmatizacije jest stvoriti društveni i institucionalni okvir koji će u potpunosti uključiti neheteroseksualne obitelji te koji više neće podržavati individualne predrasude.

Krajem 2013. i u 2014. Hrvatsku su obilježile dvije vrlo različite promjene u statusu seksualnih manjina. Prvo, ustavnim referendumom istospolnim partnerima onemogućio se pristup instituciji braka. Drugo, novim Zakonom o životnom partnerstvu omogućila im se većina bračnih prava, osim zajedničkog usvajanja djece. Ovo jasno ilustrira sukobljene trendove hrvatskog društva. S jedne strane, poboljšanja u položaju seksualnih manjina mogla su se uočiti još 1970.-ih i 1980.-ih, a nakon prekida tih pozitivnih trendova 1990.-ih, do poboljšanja dolazi posebice 2000.-ih. Istodobno, mnoge formalne pozitivne promjene nisu bile popraćene i promjenama u heteronormativnim i homofobnim praksama hrvatskog društva koje pak postaju očevidne kroz pregled izabranih aspekata socijalne isključenosti seksualnih manjina u sva četiri sustava socijalne isključenosti (demokratsko-pravnom, radno-tržišnom, sustavu socijalne dobrobiti te obiteljskom i sustavu lokalne zajednice) koji se u ovom radu prvenstveno temelji na rezultatima EU LGBT studije iz 2012. godine i koji je nadopunjen rezultatima recentnih domaćih istraživanja vezanih uz LGBT tematiku. ; At the end of 2013 and in 2014, Croatia was marked by two very different changes in the status of sexual minorities. Firstly, same-sex partners were banned from the institution of marriage by a constitutional referendum. Secondly, the new Life Partnership Act provided the same-sex partners with most marital rights, except the joint-adoption right. This clearly illustrates conflicted trends of Croatian society. On one hand, improvements in the status of sexual minorities could have been noted as early as in 1970s and 1980s. After a break in these positive trends in the 1990s, the status of sexual minorities was particularly improved in the 2000s. Nevertheless, many of these positive changes were not accompanied by changes in the hetero-normative and homophobic practices of the Croatian society. This becomes evident in the overview of selected aspects of social exclusion of sexual minorities in all four systems of social exclusion (the democratic and legal system, the labour market, the welfare system, and the family and community system) that is, in this paper, primarily based on the results of the 2012 EU LGBT study, and complemented with the results of recent Croatian LGBT-related studies.

This article focuses on the cases of Croatia and Serbia to demonstrate how the heteronormative model of family and the constructs of "protection of family and children"—which are central to anti-gender mobilizations—can be traced to the 1990s heteronationalist discourses of family in both countries. The authors argue that the crucial link between these two discourses is that they both increasingly problematize diverse family forms and imbue "traditional family" with special value as the structure that is "best for children" and therefore merits special legal and policy protection with a view to its restoration as society's unquestionable cornerstone. The analysis of narrative content in parliamentary and public debates about family-related laws and policies in Serbia and Croatia between the 1990s and the 2020s is guided by the following questions: What are the continuities in the legal framework and narratives on the family in post-socialist Croatia and Serbia compared with the period of socialist Yugoslavia? Who are the actors who create narratives of return to a traditional family in post-socialist Croatia and Serbia, and how do these actors define family and care for the family? The article calls attention to how what is "old"—narratives of return to the traditional family—forms the backbone of religious-conservative oppositions to gender and sexuality rights, including the most recent wave of anti-gender mobilizations.

This paper examines how the individual and country-level factors affect the childcare financing attitudes, particularly the effect of socialization in a particular welfare regime. This area of research is fraught with methodological and conceptual issues, including the over-reliance on Esping-Andersen's regime typology. Therefore, the authors also investigate whether a more family-policy-nuanced categorization of welfare regimes better accounts for the cross-country variations in childcare attitudes. Using the 2012 ISSP data, the authors conducted the multilevel analysis of 24 European countries, and while the effect of most predictors is generally consistent with the previous research, this study's most important finding is that the alternative Leitner's "Varieties of Familialism" typology better accounts for the cross-national variations in childcare attitudes than the classical Esping-Anderson's typology. This speaks of the importance of a programmatic approach in the welfare state attitudes analysis which links the public support for specific social programs to its unique characteristics. ; U radu se analizira kako čimbenici na individualnoj i državnoj razini utječu na stavove o financiranju skrbi za djecu, a posebno se analizira učinak socijalizacije u određenom socijalnom režimu. Ovo područje istraživanja obiluje metodološkim i konceptualnim pitanjima, uključujući prekomjerno oslanjanje na Esping-Andersenovu tipologiju režima. Stoga autori istražuju objašnjava li kategorizacija socijalnih režima koja je više usmjerena na obiteljsku politiku varijacije u stavovima prema skrbi za djecu u različitim državama. Koristeći podatke iz ISSP za 2012. godinu, autori su proveli višerazinsku analizu 24 europske države i dok je učinak većine prediktora uglavnom u skladu s prijašnjim istraživanjima, najvažnije otkriće ove analize je da Leitnerova tipologija "vrsta familijalizma" bolje objašnjava varijacije u stavovima o skrbi o djeci u različitim državama nego što to čini klasična Esping-Andersenova tipologija. To svjedoči o važnosti programatskog pristupa u analizama stavova socijalne države koji povezuju javnu podršku specifičnim socijalnim programima s njihovim jedinstvenim značajkama.